CSAS Picks: Featured Updates on South Asia
The Center for South Asian Studies (CSAS), Gifu Women’s University, introduces selected materials related to South Asia — including media reports, academic articles, public reports, books, and events — together with brief commentary and perspectives from specialists.
FUKUNAGA Masaaki(Visiting Professor)
During his visit to Pakistan in October 2026, Maldivian President Muizzu expressed his intention to play an active role in reviving the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).
SAARC has not held a summit since its 18th summit in 2014. The 19th summit, scheduled for 2016, was also canceled against the backdrop of tensions between India and Pakistan.
President Muizzu outlined a policy of promoting the restoration of trust and dialogue among member states and working toward an early SAARC summit. In his Independence Day address in July of the same year, he had also said that the Maldives was prepared to act as an intermediary to revive SAARC.
The continuing efforts of the Maldives, a maritime nation in the Indian Ocean, to revive South Asian regional cooperation deserve recognition. The region faces a range of issues between India, which overwhelmingly dominates in both geographical size and population, and its neighbors. It has been particularly affected by the confrontational relationship between India and Pakistan.
Regional cooperation is essential and important for South Asia’s economic development and political and security stability. The active engagement of a small country such as the Maldives with these issues also raises questions about what genuine diplomacy means and what it means to pursue the national interest.
Note: Original text in Japanese; translated into English by the Center.
TinWin(Visiting Researcher)
The article examines Japan's expanding peace mediation initiatives and their potential contribution to ASEAN's efforts to address Myanmar's conflict. The authors highlight Japan's longstanding diplomatic engagement, including Yōhei Sasakawa's mediation of informal ceasefires between Myanmar's military and the Arakan Army in 2020 and 2022. Although these ceasefires eventually collapsed, Japan's diplomatic experience, regional relationships, and relatively low-profile approach could make it a useful partner for ASEAN. The authors suggest that Japan could contribute mediation expertise and resources while allowing ASEAN to retain leadership of the peace process.
Although the article primarily examines Japan and ASEAN, its implications extend directly to South Asia. For Bangladesh, developments in Myanmar's Rakhine State are closely connected to the unresolved Rohingya refugee crisis. Diplomatic initiatives must therefore consider the protection, rights, and meaningful participation of Rohingya communities, rather than focusing solely on agreements between armed groups. For India, Myanmar's stability is linked to border security, northeastern connectivity, and strategic infrastructure projects such as the Kaladan transport corridor. The article has become particularly timely following Sasakawa's October 20 meeting with Myanmar's military-backed president, Min Aung Hlaing, as reported by Reuters on October 21. This renewed engagement raises an important question: can diplomatic mediation contribute to a sustainable political settlement, or will it produce temporary ceasefires while leaving the underlying political conflicts unresolved? Japan's potential contribution should therefore be assessed not merely by its diplomatic access or ability to facilitate agreements, but by whether such efforts improve civilian protection, encourage inclusive political dialogue, and advance the prospects for sustainable peace.
For South Asia, particularly Bangladesh and India, the outcome will have direct humanitarian, security, and regional connectivity implications.
Signed articles are published under the sole responsibility of their authors and do not represent the views of the Center for South Asian Studies, Gifu Women’s University.
Center for South Asian Studies (CSAS), Gifu Women’s University
YANO Yoshiaki (Visiting Professor)
Note: Original text in Japanese; translated into English by the Center.
KUSAKABE Naonori (Visiting Professor)
Note: Original text in Japanese; translated into English by the Center.
KASAI Ryohei (Visiting Associate Professor)
Note: Original text in Japanese; translated into English by the Center.
TinWin (Visiting Researcher)
Prof. FUKUNAGA Masaaki (Visiting Professor)
Its oldest members are now reaching their mid-teens and are raising their voices as direct stakeholders in school life. Behind this lies the CJP (Cockroach Janta Party) protest movement, led mainly by Gen Z youth in Delhi. Young people who continued demonstrations in central Delhi criticized exam irregularities and demanded the resignation of the central government’s education minister; despite forced removal by police, they continued their protests, and the education minister resigned on July 25.
Author Anand Teltumbde sees this experience as having instilled in young people the sense that “demanding change from the government can actually bring change,” a sense that has since spread to the younger Generation Alpha as well. On August 15, India’s Independence Day, the CJP launched the “School Thik Karo (Fix the School)” campaign to investigate facility problems at public schools. The protests by primary and middle school students across the country were not centrally organized; rather, the children themselves are voicing the specific problems facing their own schools and demanding solutions.
Teltumbde views this movement as opening up the possibility of a new kind of politics that begins with the familiar issue of education.
Moreover, the protesters are themselves primary and middle school students. The labels of “anti-national” or “urban Naxalite” that have often been used against movements critical of the government cannot easily be applied to teenagers simply asking for teachers and toilets. If police were to use force against uniformed schoolchildren, it would almost certainly generate criticism of the government.
As Generation Z broke through its fear of the government, the succeeding Generation Alpha has begun to raise demands directly tied to daily life. In this, Teltumbde sees the possibility of a new movement in Indian politics.
This article is also important for understanding contemporary India from an angle different from the usual emphasis on economic growth and great-power status. In many areas, public schools still lack even the most basic educational conditions—teachers, classrooms, toilets, and drinking water—and it is the children themselves, as the parties directly affected, who have begun to speak out about these problems. Understanding India today requires attention not only to economic growth and international standing, but also to the realities of public services and the emerging voice of a younger generation that has begun to speak up about them.
Prof. KURASAWA Sai (Visiting Professor)
Furthermore, the survey found that many students lack proficiency in mathematics, and their proficiency in English is similarly low.
The report points out that boys are falling behind girls and that attendance rates are also low.
In addition to a severe shortage of teachers, there is also a shortage of qualified teachers. According to reports from the field, approximately 10 to 20 percent of students are significantly behind in their studies. This serious situation is also influenced by various other socioeconomic factors, regional disparities, economic hardship, and issues related to truancy.
If reading, writing, and arithmetic skills remain inadequate at the primary education level, the negative effects are likely to become even more pronounced as students advance to higher grades. It is necessary to closely monitor Bangladesh’s future development to see what policies will be implemented to address the “learning poverty” highlighted by the World Bank.
Dr. BHATTARAI Binod (Visiting Researcher)
While supporters praise his efficiency and modern approach, critics raise concerns about his transparency, accountability, and commitment to democratic institutions.
Ultimately, his administration serves as a compelling case study on the evolving dynamic of political leadership in contemporary Nepal.
Prof. MURAYAMA Mayumi (Visiting Professor)
Using the 2001 and 2011 population censuses together with 2019–21 National Family Health Survey (NFHS) data as a substitute for the unavailable 2021 census, the author tests this hypothesis for West Bengal and Assam.
The analysis finds no evidence of a disproportionate increase in the Muslim population in border-adjacent districts between 2001–2011 or 2011–2019.
On 15 August 2025, Prime Minister Modi announced a high-level committee on demographic change, which was formally inaugurated on 26 May 2026. The committee is expected to comprehensively examine population changes across India arising from causes other than natural increase, such as undocumented migration, and to submit time-bound recommendations within one to one-and-a-half years. The article notes it as remarkable that the political rhetoric leading to the committee’s establishment has been voiced so forcefully without supporting evidence.
Demographic change involves not only migration (inflow and outflow) but also a range of other factors such as birth and death rates. It will be important to watch closely what methodology the committee adopts, what conclusions it reaches, and whether the process itself gives rise to new controversies.
Prof. FUKUNAGA Masaaki (Visiting Professor)
Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar district recorded the highest number with 109 cases. Across the region’s eight districts, 215 cases have been approved for government compensation while 222 remain under review.
In 2025, the region recorded 1,131 farmer suicides, underscoring the continuing severity of the agrarian crisis.
The Marathwada and Vidarbha regions of Maharashtra are particularly well known for having the highest rates of farmer suicide in the country. Behind this lies a combination of structural factors: semi-arid conditions heavily dependent on the monsoon, reliance on cash crops such as cotton and soybeans, the cost of agricultural inputs including fertilizer and pesticides, debt burdens, market price volatility, droughts and extreme weather linked to climate change, and policy support that remains inadequate.
This report shows that the situation has yet to improve, offering an important case for understanding the realities of rural society that cannot be captured by India’s economic growth alone. It also underscores, once again, the need to consider agricultural policy, regional disparities, climate change, and social security together as an integrated whole.
Prof. HIROSE Hiromi (Visiting Professor)
Prof. MIWA Hiroki (Visiting Professor)
Mr. TinWin (Visiting Researcher)
During the visit, he is expected to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi and discuss bilateral cooperation, border security, connectivity, trade, and economic relations. Analysts also note India’s interest in reducing China’s influence in Myanmar and exploring access to Myanmar’s rare earth resources.
At the same time, neighboring countries such as India must also address practical concerns including border stability, economic connectivity, competition with China, and access to critical resources.
The visit therefore highlights a broader question for South Asian studies: how should states balance normative commitments with geopolitical realities when dealing with politically contested governments? Understanding this tension may be essential for interpreting not only India’s Myanmar policy, but also wider regional dynamics across South and Southeast Asia.